This journey is not just about constitutional architecture—it is about restoring the soul of the republic. Over the past decades, Pakistan’s parliamentary system has been systematically hollowed out through institutional decay, compromised elections, horse-trading, and repeated military interference. Rather than serving as a vehicle for the people’s will, the current system has too often become a shield for dynastic elites and an enabler of unaccountable authority.

The Presidential System, as envisioned in this document, offers a path to reverse this decline. It proposes a governance model rooted in direct public mandate, strong checks and balances, and genuine federalism—a system where power is dispersed, not concentrated, and where accountability is embedded into the architecture of the state.

At this critical moment in Pakistan’s history—when the nation’s most popular political leader, Imran Khan, has been silenced through incarceration, and the people’s democratic mandate has been stolen through electoral manipulation—this document is offered as both a policy roadmap and a national covenant.

It is an appeal not just to logic, but to courage. Not just to governance, but to vision.

It is offered with humility and respect to Mr. Imran Khan, who now stands not only as a former Prime Minister but as the enduring symbol of Pakistan’s democratic aspirations. We hope that this vision aligns with his long-standing commitment to justice, sovereignty, and the dignity of the people of Pakistan.

This is more than a proposal. It is an invitation to lead again—with greater clarity, broader unity, and a more resilient constitutional foundation.

Hafeez Choudhary presents the constitutional Reforms for a presidential system to Imran Khan

Methodology

The process of developing this document was rooted in deliberate consultation, informed debate, and iterative refinement across multiple stages and geographies. The vision for a Presidential System in Pakistan—first articulated in 2010—has evolved through sustained intellectual engagement, policy discourse, and real-world feedback from those deeply invested in Pakistan’s democratic future.

The latest version of this document is not merely the product of individual advocacy but the outcome of a multi-year, multi-actor consultative methodology designed to ensure relevance, realism, and institutional rigor.

1. Long Island City Roundtable (February 2025)

To ensure the proposal’s alignment with contemporary realities, a high-level roundtable was hosted on February 21, 2025, in Long Island City, New York, by Mr. Hafeez Choudhary. This session brought together 15 distinguished individuals—including scholars of constitutional law, former civil servants, diaspora professionals, political analysts, and development practitioners—each with deep expertise on Pakistan’s political and institutional dynamics.

The participants were selected based on their commitment to democratic principles, and familiarity with the systemic challenges facing the country. The roundtable discussions spanned over six hours, during which the framework was presented, critiqued, and debated across the following thematic clusters:

• Historical failures of the parliamentary system
• Constitutional design and structural gaps
• Electoral justice and representation
• Civil-military balance and institutional accountability
• Executive-legislative-judicial separation under a presidential framework

The roundtable generated over 60 specific comments and recommendations, which were systematically documented and used to update the working draft. Several areas of reform—especially around Senate restructuring, electoral transparency, and judicial independence—were substantially strengthened as a direct result of this expert feedback.

2. National Consultation with Experts in Pakistan

Following the Long Island City roundtable, the revised document was circulated to 40 seasoned experts in Pakistan. These individuals included:

• Retired judges and senior lawyers
• Academics in political science and constitutional studies
• Former government officials and policy advisors
• Media commentators and think tank fellows
• Civil society leaders and institutional reform advocates

Out of the 40 individuals contacted, 18 responded with detailed commentary, critique, and suggestions— reflecting a 37.5% response rate. Their feedback helped fine-tune sensitive aspects of the proposal, such as:

• Mechanisms to prevent authoritarian drift in a presidential system
• Safeguards for provincial autonomy
• Senate’s enhanced legislative role
• Simplification of the electoral process to reduce fraud and manipulation
• Constitutional protections for fundamental rights

The list of these respondents has been included below, which forms a formal part of this methodology. Their responses were anonymized during integration to respect privacy and avoid any political pressure in the current climate.

3. Core Principles Guiding the Methodology

Throughout the process, five guiding principles informed the methodological approach:

• Inclusivity – Incorporating voices from multiple provinces, professions, and generations.
• Transparency – Openly documenting changes and sources of input.
• Realism – Grounding the proposal in Pakistan’s lived realities and political constraints.
• Courage – Addressing structural problems that are often left untouched due to political sensitivities.
• Integrity – Prioritizing national interest and civilian supremacy over partisan advantage.

This methodology reflects more than academic rigor; it is a testament to the seriousness with which this proposal has been developed. It draws strength from the collective wisdom of those who believe that Pakistan’s democratic future must be rebuilt on firmer constitutional foundations— ones that center the will of the people, not the whims of the powerful.

Acknowledgments

This document would not have been possible without the enduring commitment and intellectual generosity of a diverse group of contributors who have stood with Mr. Hafeez Chaudhary in his pursuit of a more just, accountable, and representative system of governance for Pakistan.

We acknowledge the foresight & courage of Mr. Hafeez Choudhary, Founder of Vision Pakistan, whose longstanding advocacy for a Presidential System reflects a rare blend of constitutional imagination and patriotic resolve. His efforts—spanning over fifteen years—have brought together stakeholders from across sectors, provinces, and continents in a shared call for reform.

We are deeply grateful to the 15 distinguished participants of the expert roundtable held in Long Island City, New York, in February 2025, whose candid critiques and forward-thinking suggestions helped sharpen this framework.

Furthermore, sincere appreciation is extended to the 18 experts and thought leaders in Pakistan who reviewed the updated draft and provided written or verbal feedback. Their insights—grounded in professional experience and national commitment—played a vital role in refining key sections of this document.

We especially thank the following individuals for their substantive contributions over the years:

Feedback and Consultations (March – April 2025)

President Arif Alvi
Syed Sharfuddin – Former Diplomat
Lt. Gen. (Retd.) Ijaz Awan – Defense Analyst
Tariq Malik – Former Chairman, NADRA
Dr. Adeel Malik – Professor, University of Oxford
Dr. Arslan Khalid – Digital Media Analyst
Ferdaus Shamim Naqvi – Former MPA, Sindh
Barrister Shahzad Akbar – Former SAPM on Accountability
Dr. Atta-ur-Rahman – Former Chairman, HEC
Dr. Sundus Ali – University of Oxford
Barrister Mohammed Ahmad Pansota
Salman Ahmad – Musician & Activist
Javed Hassan – Economist & Former Chairman, NAVTTC
Shiffa Yousafzai – Journalist
Imtiaz Gul – Journalist and Security Analyst

Participants of the Roundtable on Presidential Governance System in Long Island City (Feb 2025)

Dr. Moeed Pirzada — Senior Journalist and Founder GVS News
Qasim Khan Suri — Former Speaker National Assembly
Barrister Ehtisham ud Din — Lawyer and Journalist
Wajahat Saeed Khan — Senior Journalist
Hafeez Choudhary — Founder, Vision Pakistan
Tariq Khan — Community leader
Mehlaqa Samdani — Director, Community Alliance for Peace and Justice
Ali Khan — Community Activist and Lobbyist
Najma Pirzada — Journalist & Writer
Dr. Hussain Nadim — Technologist and Academic
Waqas Ahmed — Journalist
Dr. Usman Malik — Activist and Lobbyist
Akbar Chaudhary —Community Leader
Muhammar Umar — Journalist and Policy Professional

Participants of the Conference on Constitutional Reforms, Governance and Implementation (January 13 2020)

Mr. Hafeez Choudhary — Founder, Vision Pakistan (Keynote Speaker)
Rana Athar Javed — Director-General, Pakistan House
Lt. Gen. Asif Yasin Malik (Retd) — Board Member, Pakistan House
Lt. Gen. Khalid Rabbani (Retd) — Board Member, Pakistan House
Brig. Riazullah Chib (Retd) — Board Member, Pakistan House
Amb. Salman Bashir (Retd) — Board Member, Pakistan House
Amb. Zamir Akram (Retd) — Board Member, Pakistan House
Lt. Gen. Naeem Khalid Lodhi (Retd) — Former Interim Defence Minister
Senator Muhammad Ali Khan Saif — MQM, Sindh
Senator Anwar Ul Haq Kakar — PML(N), Balochistan
Ms. Naz Baloch — MNA, PPP, Sindh
Dr. Moeed Pirzada — Editor, Global Village Space; TV Anchor
Mr. Muhammad Malik — CEO, Hum News; TV Anchor
Mr. Fahd Hussain — Editor, Dawn Islamabad; TV Anchor
Mr. Hassan Khan — Senior Anchorperson, Khyber News

Signatories of Islamabad Declaration (July 14-15 2014)

Ayaz Latif Palejo – Sindh
Naz Baloch – Sindh
Jamal Shah – Baluchistan
Ayatullah Durrani – Baluchistan
AVM Shahid Latif – Punjab
Hafeez Choudhary – Punjab
Iftikhar Ahmad – KP
Masood Sharif Khattak – KP
Justice Manzoor Gillani – Kashmir
Afzal Shigri – Kashmir

Participants in Islamabad Convention Center (Feb 11-12 2012)

Justice (Retd.) Syed Manzoor Hussain Gillani – Former Chief Justice AJK
Justice (Retd.) Tariq Mahmood – Former SC Judge of the Balochistan High Court
Justice (Retd.) Shaiq Usmani – Retd. Supreme Court Judge
Syed Iftikhar Hussain Gillani – Former Federal Minister for Law
Sahibzada Ahmad Raza Khan Kasuri – Senior lawyer and politician
Justice Babar Sattar – Senior Lawyer; Now Judge at Islamabad High Court
Dr. Farrukh Saleem – Political and economic analyst
Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo – Former Federal Minister
Nawabzada Shahzain Bugti – Former Member of the National Assembly
Hafiz Hussain Ahmed – Islamic scholar and senior leader of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F)
Ayaz Latif Palijo – President of Qomi Awami Tahreek
Syeda Shehla Raza – Pakistan Peoples Party politician
Air Marshal (Retd.) Shahzad Chaudhary – Former Air Vice Marshal
Syed Zafar Ali Shah – Veteran politician; former Senator PMLN
Kashmala Tariq – Former Federal Ombudsperson
Hamayun Akhtar Khan – Senior Political Leader, PMLQ
Attique Ahmed Khan –
Masood Sharif Khan Khattak – PTI, Former DG IB
Professor Ibrahim – Academic & Jamaat-e-Islami Leader
Haider Abbas Rizvi — MQM
Roe Dad Khan – Senior Bureaucrat

The Problem

THE 1973 CONSTITUTION HAS BEEN UNABLE TO PROVIDE POLITICAL JUSTICE AND POLITICAL STABILITY IN THE PAST 50 YEARS OF ITS INCEPTION.

Article 2(a) of the 1973 Constitution states that the state shall guarantee fundamental rights, including:

• Equality of status and opportunity before the law
• Social, economic, and political justice
• Freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship, and association, subject to law and public morality

However:
Since 1947, Pakistan has lacked political justice due to governance alternating between martial law and a parliamentary system operating with minority votes, often lacking broad public legitimacy.

The parliamentary system merges the legislative and executive branches, preventing the electorate from directly electing individuals based on distinct governance qualifications, thereby limiting political representation.

Pakistani citizens do not have the right to directly elect their senators, and the Senate, as outlined in the 1973 Constitution, holds limited legislative authority, weakening inter-provincial cohesion.

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf(PTI) Chairman, Imran Khan addressing to the take off julsa in October 2011 at Yadgar-e-Pakistan, Lahore

The allocation of special seats in Parliament (approximately 20% of total seats) raises concerns regarding fairness and proportional representation.

Independent members of Parliament have historically shifted allegiances (horse-trading) against the mandate given by their constituents, undermining democratic integrity.

The practice of by-elections, while intended to fill vacant seats, has been criticized for its limited impact on improving democratic governance.

Pakistan’s parliamentary system has allowed a structural and recurring intervention of a powerful army in Pakistan to meddle into political affairs, while exacerbating societal divisions by reinforcing linguistic, ethnic, and sectarian polarization, further deepening political instability rather than fostering national unity.

The Solution: Presidential System

1. The Absence of a Social Contract and Its Impact on Pakistan’s Stability

Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, based on the Two-Nation Theory, which emphasized Islam as a unifying force among its multi-linguistic nations (Bengali, Punjabi, Sindhi, Baloch, Pashtun, and Kashmiri).

These diverse nations required a political justice-based social contract, but Pakistan’s formation occurred without an organic constitution, leading to foundational instability.

The absence of a constitution was a primary factor in Pakistan’s division on December 16, 1971, resulting in the creation of Bangladesh.

The 1956 and 1962 Constitutions lacked legitimacy and failed to establish a lasting national framework.

The only viable foundation for Pakistan’s long-term unity is constitutional nationalism, where diverse nations form a collective identity through a signed and effectively implemented constitution—similar to the United States.

2. Structural Deficiencies of the 1973 Constitution

The 1973 Constitution was adopted by the National Assembly, but it was not formulated by a Constituent Assembly, nor was it ratified through a referendum or collective national consensus.

Due to its structural defects, the constitution failed to ensure political justice, creating loopholes that allowed military interference in the formation of civilian governments.

Constitutional weaknesses have enabled interventions by the Army Chief, undermining democratic governance.

Amendments such as the 26th Amendment have further eroded democratic principles by compromising the separation of powers, effectively granting the military control over the judiciary.

Electoral manipulation, such as the alteration of the February 8, 2024, general election results—where the PTI’s two-thirds majority was reduced to a minority—highlights the vulnerabilities within the system.

3. Need for Structural Amendments and a Presidential System

A structural amendment is required to replace the parliamentary system with a presidential form of government to ensure better governance and accountability.

This involves reforming electoral mechanisms for key positions, including:

• President, Governors, District Mayors, Senators, MPAs, and MNAs
• Appointments within the Judiciary

Article 2A serves as the primary constitutional framework, while other articles—such as Articles 51, 59, 106, 32, and those related to the Judiciary and Election Commission—require procedural reforms.

Broader institutional reforms will be carried out by a newly elected parliament under the presidential system, focusing on strengthening the foundational and structural integrity of the state.

National Assembly of Pakistan, Islamabad

4. First Steps to Adopting the Presidential System

The General Election on February 8, 2024, as per Form 45, mandated a two-thirds majority for PTI in Parliament.

To transition to a Presidential System, PTI should amend the Constitution within 30 days following a debate in Parliament.

Once the amendment is passed, a new General Election should be held within 12–18 months to elect:

• President & Vice President
• Governors
• District Mayors
• Members of National & Provincial Assemblies (MNAs & MPAs)
• Senators

This election will mark the formal implementation of the Presidential System in Pakistan.

Framework for Presidential System in Pakistan

Key Data on Pakistan:

250M

Population of
Pakistan Including
Kashmir

120M

Registered
Voters Including
Kashmir

20M

President and Vice
President with Cabinet
Members

PRESIDENT REQUIRE MORE THAN 50% OF TOTAL CAST VOTES THROUGHOUT PAKISTAN AND AT LEAST 3 PROVINCES.

KASHMIR AS A 5TH PROVINCE OF PAKISTAN

Kashmir will be provisionally given status equal to a province of Pakistan, subject to the settlement of the Kashmir dispute in accordance with UNCIP Resolution.

It should include: GILGIT BALTISTAN and AZAD KASHMIR

EXECUTIVE & LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY (4 YEAR TERMS)

Political Parties on the Ballot

• Limiting to 12 Political Parties
• Only 12 political parties will appear on the ballot to simplify the voting process.
• These 12 political parties will qualify based on their vote share from the previous elections.
• Despite 100+ registered parties, only 10 have a parliamentary presence, while 2 emerging parties will also be included.
  • The Election Commission will finalize the 12-party list one year before the election, based on:
    • Past election performance (vote share).
    • Real, verifiable membership for new parties.

POLITICAL PARTIES ON BALLOT FROM 2018 ELECTION (COULD BE POTENTIAL POLITICAL PARTIES FOR PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION)

Succession, Replacement and Impeachment Clauses

President & Vice President

• If the President dies, resigns, or is disqualified, the Vice President will become President for the remainder of the term.
• The new President must nominate a Vice President within 3 days.
• If the Vice President dies, resigns, or is disqualified, the President will nominate a replacement within 3 days.
• If both the President and Vice President positions become vacant, the Senate Chairman will become President and nominate a Vice President within 3 days.
• The Senate will elect a new Chairman within 3 days.

Governors & Vice Governors

• If a Governor dies, resigns, or is disqualified, the Vice Governor will become Governor for the remainder of the term.
• The new Governor must nominate a Vice Governor within 3 days.
• If the Vice Governor dies, resigns, or is disqualified, the Governor will nominate a replacement within 3 days.
• If both the Governor and Vice Governor positions become vacant, the Provincial Assembly Speaker will become Governor and nominate a Vice Governor within 3 days.
• The Provincial Assembly will elect a new Speaker within 3 days.

District Mayors & Vice District Mayors

• If a District Mayor dies, resigns, or is disqualified, the Vice District Mayor will become Mayor for the remainder of the term.
• The new Mayor must nominate a Vice Mayor within 3 days.
• If the Vice District Mayor dies, resigns, or is disqualified, the District Mayor will nominate a replacement within 3 days.
• If both the Mayor and Vice Mayor positions become vacant, the political party leader will appoint a new District Mayor and Vice Mayor from that district within 3 days.

Continuity of Governance

• The Federal, Provincial, and District Cabinets will remain intact in all succession scenarios until the new leadership decides on changes.
• If a President, Governor, or District Mayor removes a cabinet member, they must appoint a replacement within 3 days.
• No new elections will be held for President, Vice President, Governors, Vice Governors, District Mayors, or Vice District Mayors for the remainder of the term.

Impeachment Process for President and Governor

President

Grounds

The President may be removed only for:

• Violation of the Constitution or gross misconduct in office;
• Mental or physical incapacity to discharge the duties of the office;
• Conviction of an offense involving moral turpitude.

Procedure

• A resolution for removal may be introduced in the National Assembly or the Senate by at least one-third of the total membership.
• Each House shall debate and vote separately. A two-thirds majority of the total membership in each House is required to pass the resolution.

Effect

• Upon passage by both Houses, the President is immediately removed.
• The Vice President shall assume the office of President forthwith and serve the remainder of the term.
• On the same day, the new President shall appoint a Vice President from a different province than the President.

Governors

Grounds

The Governor may be removed only for:

• Breach of the oath of office or willful misconduct;
• Incapacity to perform official duties;
• Criminal conviction involving moral turpitude.

Procedure

• A resolution for removal may be introduced in the Provincial Assembly by at least one-third of its total membership.
• A two-thirds majority of the total membership of that Assembly is required to pass the resolution.

Effect

• Upon passage, the Governor is immediately removed.
• The Deputy Governor shall assume the office of Governor forthwith.
• On the same day, the new Governor shall appoint a Deputy Governor

Continuity of Legislatures

• Non-Dissolution
• The Senate of Pakistan, the National Assembly, and each Provincial Assembly shall serve fixed four-year terms and may not be dissolved by any authority prior to the end of that term.
• Elections.
• At the conclusion of each four-year term, new elections for all Houses shall be held in accordance with the electoral timetable specified elsewhere in this Constitution.

Removal and Accountability of the Judiciary

Constitutional Supreme Court

Removal of Justices

Any justice of the Constitutional Supreme Court may be removed only by a two-thirds majority vote of the Senate, on grounds of proven misconduct, incapacity, or violation of the oath of office.

Effect

The justice shall cease to hold office immediately upon the passage of the Senate resolution. After removal of a justice by parliament 2/3 majority, a replacement justice will be appointed by the President from the same province within 3 days and approved by the senate as usual.

Provincial Supreme Courts

Removal of Justices

Justices of any Provincial Supreme Court may be removed by the Constitutional Supreme Court, upon the recommendation of a three member Inquiry Panel convened under judicial removal rules, by a simple majority vote of the full bench.

Procedure

• A formal inquiry shall be initiated on petition alleging misconduct or incapacity.
• The Inquiry Panel shall report findings within 60 days.
• Upon a majority vote of the Constitutional Supreme Court, the justice is removed.

Effect

• After removal of a Provincial Supreme Court justice, replacement will be appointed by the Supreme Court of Pakistan within 3 days.

District Courts

Removal of Judges

Judges of District Supreme Court Benches may be removed by the Chief Justice of the respective Provincial Supreme Court for proven misconduct, incapacity, or violation of judicial ethics.

Procedure

• A written complaint is filed with the Provincial Chief Justice.
• The Chief Justice shall investigate or appoint a tribunal and issue a decision within 90 days.
• The decision of the Chief Justice is final and binding.

Effect

After removal of the District court judge, the replacement will be appointed chief justice of the respective province in 3 days.

LEGISLATIVE: ELECTING SENATORs, MNAs and MPAs

The Senate of Pakistan

Senate Composition & Term

• The Senate will consist of 100 members, serving a 4-year term.
• Provincial Allocation of Seats:
  • Sindh – 20 senators
  • Balochistan – 20 senators
  • Punjab – 20 senators
  • Khyber Pakhtunkhwa – 20 senators
  • Kashmir – 20 senators
• No Senate Seats for Islamabad – Since Islamabad is not a province, it will not have representation in the Senate.
• The Senate will be completely dissolved and reconstituted after every election cycle.

Election Process

• Proportional Representation by Province:
  • Senate seats will be allocated based on the percentage of votes a party receives in its respective province.
  • Minimum Vote Requirement: A political party must receive at least 5% of the total valid votes in the province to qualify for Senate seats.
  • Votes cast for parties that fail to meet the 5% threshold will be excluded from the
    calculation.

Priority List System:

• Political parties must submit a priority candidate list for each province six months before the election.
• The Election Commission will review and approve the lists within 30 days.
• The final approved lists will be made public four months before the election.
• Parties are not required to submit a full list of 20 candidates; they may submit fewer names depending on their capacity.

Residency Requirement:

• A candidate can only seek a Senate seat from the province where they reside and hold official
  domicile.

Senate’s Legislative Authority

The Senate’s role is strictly legislative, with no executive functions. Matters Requiring Senate Approval (Minimum 51 Votes Required):

• Money Bills & Annual Budget
• Military Operations & War Declarations
• Major International Treaties (valued over $1 billion USD)
• Strategic Infrastructure Projects (e.g., major dams, ports, highways, military bases)
• Oil, Gas, & Major Mineral Exploration Projects
• Appointments (Nominated by the President & Subject to Senate Approval):
  • Federal Secretaries
  • Chairpersons of Public Sector Enterprises
  • Chief Election Commissioner
  • Attorney General
  • Auditor General
  • Heads of FIA & IB
• Live Televised Senate Hearings:
  • All major appointments will be subject to public Senate hearings, conducted by a committee with equal representation from each province.

Vacancies & Replacement Process

• In case of a senator’s death, resignation, or disqualification, the Election Commission will notify the next candidate from the party’s priority list within 3 days.
• No by-elections will be held for Senate seats; replacements will be filled from the pre-approved party list.

Encouraging Expertise & Meritocracy

• By focusing solely on national legislation and removing senators from executive roles, the new Senate structure aims to attract educated individuals and subject matter experts, fostering a higher standard of governance.

Election of the National Assembly (MNAs) and Provincial Assembly (MPAs)

• Term Length
  • Each term for the National Assembly (MNA) and Provincial Assemblies (MPA) will last 4 years.
• Seat Allocation
  • District-based Allocation: The number of MNA and MPA seats per district will be proportional to the population of the district. For instance:
    • A population of approximately 700,000 – 100,000,00 people will be allocated 1 MNA seat and 2 MPA seats.
  • In total, there will be 300 MNAs and 600 MPAs across all provinces.
• Candidate List Submission
  • Political parties must provide the Election Commission with a candidate list for both MNAs and MPAs for each district.
  • The candidate lists should be submitted 6 months prior to the election.
  • The Election Commission will scrutinize and approve the lists within 30 days.
  • The final approved lists will be made public 5 months before the election.
• Contest Rules
  • No Individual Candidacies: The system will not allow any individual candidate to contest the election for MNA or MPA independently. All candidates must be on a party’s list.
  • No Special Seats: There will be no special seats for women, minorities, or other reserved categories in the National or Provincial Assemblies.
  • One District, One Candidacy: A candidate may only appear on the candidate list of one district.
  • Single Candidacy Rule: An individual can only appear as a candidate for one government position at a time (i.e., they cannot appear on both a Senate and an MNA/MPA list).

Election of MNAs and MPAs on the Basis of Proportional Representation at the District Level

• Proportional Representation
  • Political parties will be allocated MNA and MPA seats based on the percentage of votes they receive within each district.
  • Top Two Parties: Only the two political parties that secure the most votes in each district will be eligible for seats.
  • All other political parties will not receive any seats in that district.
• No Independent or Special Seats
  • There will be no independent candidates or special seats (reserved for women, minorities, etc.) in this system of proportional representation.
  • This ensures a straightforward and transparent election process without the complexities of special quotas or independent candidacies.
• District-Level Representation
  • The system will maintain the spirit of representation by counting votes at the district level rather than at the national level.
  • District Boundaries are clearly defined and will not be subject to change, minimizing any controversy over constituency boundaries.
• Filling Vacancies
  • In the event of an MNA or MPA resignation, death, or disqualification during the term, the Election Commission will notify the next candidate from the party’s priority list within 3 days to fill the vacancy.
• Role of MNAs and MPAs
  • MNAs and MPAs will have no role in executive affairs.
  • Their role will be strictly in legislation at the provincial and national levels, which will set a precedent for attracting educated individuals and experts into legislative positions.

Judicial

Three types of Courts

Constitutional
Supreme Court of
Pakistan
11 Judges

Provincial
Supreme Court
625 Judges

District
Supreme Court Bench
5,000 Judges

Constitutional Supreme Court of Pakistan

The Constitutional Supreme Court will consist of 11 judges:

Two judges from each of the five provinces (Sindh, Balochistan, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Kashmir).

One judge from Islamabad.

Judges will be appointed by the President and will require Senate approval.

Role of the Constitutional Supreme Court

The Constitutional Supreme Court will have the following core functions:

• Interpretation of the Constitution: It will have the authority to interpret the Constitution of Pakistan and provide binding legal opinions.
• Legislative Referral: It will refer matters to Parliament for legislative action concerning the improvement of the Constitution and laws.
• Federal-Provincial Matters: It will handle disputes between the Federal Government and the Provinces.
• Inter-Provincial Matters: It will resolve disputes between provinces.

Appointment of Provincial Supreme Court Judges

The Judges of the Provincial Supreme Courts will be appointed by the Constitutional Supreme Court of Pakistan.

Constitutional Amendment Process

Right to File a Petition

Any citizen of Pakistan has the right to file a petition with the Constitutional Supreme Court of Pakistan (CSCP) to challenge any clause of the Constitution of Pakistan or any law of Pakistan that they believe is contrary to the Quran and Sunnah.

Discretion of CSCP to Accept Petitions

• It will be at the discretion of the CSCP whether to accept a petition for hearing.
• If the CSCP accepts the petition, it is obligated to form a full bench and make a decision on the case within 100 days of accepting the petition.

Role of CSCP in the Amendment Process

• The CSCP will not have a legislative role.
• If the CSCP decides that a constitutional clause or law is in violation of the Quran and Sunnah, it will refer the decision to Parliament for legislative action.
• Parliament will be required to pass a constitutional amendment or a new law as per the CSCP’s decision, within a defined time period.

Parliament/Government’s Obligation

• Parliament/Government will be legally bound to act upon the CSCP’s decision in letter and spirit.

If the Government or Parliament fails to pass the necessary legislation, they will have the option to hold a referendum on the matter within 90 days of the CSCP’s decision.

Referendum Process

• If a referendum is held, the decision will become effective if approved by the majority of the people in the referendum.
• If the referendum is approved, the decision will automatically become a constitutional amendment or law.
• If the referendum is not approved, the CSCP’s decision will be null and void.

Provincial Supreme Courts and District Courts Structure

Provincial Supreme Courts

• Five Provincial Supreme Courts will be established, one for each province of Pakistan (Sindh, Balochistan, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Kashmir).
• These courts will have the exclusive role of accepting appeals against decisions from district Supreme Courts within their respective provinces.
• The decisions of the Provincial Supreme Courts are final in criminal and civil matters, and there will be no further appeal to the Constitutional Supreme Court of Pakistan.

District Supreme Courts

• Each district will have benches of the Supreme Court to handle legal matters at the local level.
• The number of benches in a district will depend on the district’s population.
• One bench will be allocated for every 50,000 people in the district.
• Decision Time Limits
• In criminal cases, the district Supreme Court benches must make a decision within six months.
• In civil cases, the district courts must give a decision within one year.
• Criminal Prosecution
• The district government will serve as the prosecutor in criminal cases and will be obligated to act within the six-month time limit.

Judiciary in Districts

• A total of 5000 judges will be appointed across all districts of Pakistan (with a population of 250 million).
• These judges will be appointed by the Provincial Supreme Courts.

APPENDIX A: Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

1. How does the presidential system address Punjab’s dominance in the current parliamentary system?

In the current parliamentary system, a party can form the central government by winning a vast majority in Punjab alone, even if it loses in other provinces (e.g., PML-N in 2013). The proposed presidential system requires the president to:

• Win at least 3 out of 5 provinces.
• Secure over 50% of the total votes nationwide.

This ensures national unity by preventing domination by a single province.

2. Can a president be elected from smaller provinces like Sindh, Balochistan, KPK, or Kashmir?

Yes! The system encourages leaders from smaller provinces with strong manifestos and charismatic personalities to win popular votes and form the central government (e.g., Z.A. Bhutto in 1970). This promotes constitutional nationalism among Punjabi, Sindhi, Baloch, Pashtun, and Kashmiri communities.

3. How does the presidential system ensure equality in the Federal Cabinet?

The proposed system allocates 4 federal ministers per province (total: 20).

In contrast, the current parliamentary system has historically filled 50% of the cabinet from Lahore alone.

This ensures fair representation and unity among all provinces.

4. How does the Senate promote unity under the presidential system?

The Senate will be directly elected (not selected).

It will have powers similar to the U.S. Senate, ensuring political justice and provincial-federal unity.

5. How is the Supreme Court restructured for equality?

2 justices from each province + 1 from Islamabad (total: 11).

Each province will have its own Supreme Court, reducing centralization and promoting unity.

6. Can local political parties thrive under this system?

Yes! If a local party wins a majority in one or two districts, it can:

Form a district government.

Win MNA/MPA seats for that district.

Secure a Senate seat if it gets over 5% votes in the province.

This allows smaller parties to grow based on performance.

7. How does the system reduce election interference?

Single ballot paper nationwide (easier to print securely).

No constituency boundaries—votes counted by district & province.

No individual nominations—only 12 pre-approved parties submit candidate lists.

Faster, fairer results declared by election night, increasing public trust.

ECP’s role is limited, reducing discretionary power.

8. Will provinces lose authority under this system?

No! The 18th Amendment’s provincial powers remain unchanged. However, provinces will implement authority through a more powerful Senate.

9. Does the presidential system centralize too much power?

No—it decentralizes power across:

Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary branches.

District-level autonomy (own budgets, police, laws).

No more DIG/IG control—each district manages its police.

10. What constitutional amendments are proposed?

Only changes related to:

Electing the Executive & Legislative branches.

Judicial appointments.

No changes to:

Objective Resolution (Article 2-A).

Land, tax, military, police, or foreign policy reforms.

These will be left for the new parliament after presidential elections.

11. How does this system prevent military interference in politics?

The proposed presidential system eliminates key fault lines that allow military intervention by ensuring:

✔ Directly Elected Leaders – A President, Governors, and District Mayors with strong public mandates do not take dictation from unelected institutions.

✔ No Weak Coalition Governments – Eliminates instability that invites interference.

✔ No Role for Caretaker Governments – Removes a controversial setup often influenced by non-political actors.

✔ No NAB (National Accountability Bureau) – Ends politically weaponized accountability.

✔ District-Level Election Supervision – Conducted by District Session Judges (not ECP or establishment), ensuring transparent elections.

This system closes all loopholes that have historically allowed undemocratic interference.

APPENDIX B: ISLAMABAD DECLARATION (2014)

ISLAMABAD DECLARATION, 14TH JULY 2014. Constitutional Reforms Commission meeting at Marriott Hotel, Islamabad.